Hamid Mossadegh

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Hamid Mossadegh

Suchergebnis auf chericheri.co für: keshavarz sadr houshangakbari hamid mossadegh and the future of iran. ein gewiefter Luxus-Autohändler – die Rede ist von Nigel de Jong (34) und Hamid Mossadegh (38). Beide zusammen führten mehr als zeh. 37 | Hamid Mossadegh & Peter Fiekens | Mercedes-Benz SL · Automythos | 9. Hamburg Berlin Klassik | 37 | Hamid Mossadegh & Peter Fiekens. Matthias und Niki wollen wissen: Welcher ist der ultimative Power-Kombi? Titel des Vertretungsberechtigten. Luxusautohändler Hamid Mossadegh hat diesmal einen Scifi Serien Auftrag. Ein viersitziges E-Auto mi Er soll für einen Unternehmer einen limitierten Supersportwagen für mehr als Eine diesbezügliche Haftung ist jedoch erst ab dem Zeitpunkt der Kenntnis einer konkreten Rechtsverletzung möglich. Beliebteste E Mail Vergessen Passwort Alle Sendungen Suchen. Hamid Mossadegh

While in Paris he began to experience extreme weakness and fatigue and was forced to quit school and return to Iran.

Throughout his life he was burdened by this persistent problem, better known today as chronic fatigue syndrome. Soon after his return to Iran, Mossadegh became the subject of a malicious accusation by a political rival.

The unfounded accusation made him so upset that he became sick and developed a fever. His mother, who is best known for founding Najmieh charity hospital in Tehran, noticed how miserable he was and told him that she wished he had studied medicine rather than law.

In his memoirs, Mossadegh wrote that those words of wisdom prepared him for the life he chose and from then on the more hardship and insults he faced, the more prepared he became to serve the country.

In , Mossadegh accepted a job in the government as Deputy Secretary of Ministry of Finance where he tried to combat corruption and even brought convictions to several individuals.

In he chose self-exile in Switzerland in protest over an agreement between Iran and Britain that he found very disturbing.

Fearing the worst for Iran he feverishly campaigned against it in Europe and wrote to the League of Nations asking for help in this matter.

Mossadegh returned to Iran after the agreement was rejected in the Majles. As he traveled throughout Fars province, he was greeted warmly by locals and received an offer to become their governor, which he accepted.

After a few months, however, he resigned this post in protest of the British-inspired coup in Tehran that ultimately led to the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty in This was followed by a short term as Governor of Azerbaijan province.

In , Mossadegh was elected to the 5th Majles and began his historic opposition to the establishment of the Pahlavi dynasty by British supported Reza Khan, who was at that time the Prime Minister of Iran.

In , he voluntarily withdrew from social and political activism and retreated to his village of Ahmadabad located about kilometers outside of Tehran.

During this period, which lasted over a decade, he occupied his time reading and farming; conducting experiments to improve crop production and sharing the knowledge he acquired with other farmers in the village.

Although no incriminating evidence against him was found, he was taken to the central prison in Tehran. Mossadegh was interrogated and, without being informed of any charges against him, transferred to a prison citadel in Birjand a city in northeast Iran.

The highly sensitive Khadijeh was deeply traumatized and spent the rest of her life in psychiatric hospitals.

Mossadegh later said that this tragedy was the cruelest punishment that could have ever been inflicted on him.

A year later his house arrest ended when the British forced the abdication of Reza Shah, and his 22 year-old son, Mohammad Reza, ascended to the throne.

Having returned to political activities, Mossadegh was elected with overwhelming support as Tehran representative to the 14th Majles in The contemporary history of Iran had been intertwined with oil, a highly sought after energy source by the West.

The British thus created a beachhead and practically colonized the southern west corner of Iran, directly and indirectly interfering in the political affairs of the entire country.

It all came to a head in July when about 6, Iranian oil workers went on a strike in the oil city of Aghajari. Their clash with government troops resulted in more than dead or wounded workers.

Mossadegh envisioned an Iran that was independent, free and democratic. He believed no country could be politically independent and free unless it first achieved economic independence.

He sought to renegotiate and reach an equitable and fair restitution of rights of Iran with AIOC but was faced with intransigence by the company.

The following day the National Front, a coalition of several parties, held a huge rally in Baharestan square in front of the Majles in support of oil nationalization.

On the eve of the Iranian New Year, on March 20, [29 Esfand, ] the National Front bill for oil nationalization received the final approval from the Senate, only a few days after unanimously being approved by the Majles deputies.

A month later, Dr. The British government imposed economic sanctions on Iran and threatened Iran with a military attack.

In June , the Iranian government discovered a British spy network that revealed subversive activities by a large number of Iranian politicians and journalists, including communists who were receiving bribes from the British government and the AIOC.

In response, the Iranian government closed the British consulate. The British government reacted by calling their ambassador, Francis Shepherd, back to London.

The British government, looking for support, had taken their case to the United Nations for a hearing. His visit was covered widely in newspapers, magazines, television, and theatrical newsreels.

He asked for U. This did not materialize, and he left empty-handed after nearly six weeks in the United States.

In June , Mossadegh traveled to The Hague, Netherlands and presented nearly documents to the International Court regarding the highly exploitative nature of the AIOC and the extent of its political intervention into the Iranian political system.

After hearing the sentence, Mossadegh was reported to have said with a calm voice of sarcasm: "The verdict of this court has increased my historical glories.

I am extremely grateful you convicted me. Truly tonight the Iranian nation understood the meaning of constitutionalism. Mossadegh was kept under house arrest at his Ahmadabad residence, until his death on 5 March He was denied a funeral and was buried in his living room, despite his request to be buried in the public graveyard, beside the victims of the political violence on 30 Tir 21 July The secret U.

The withdrawal of support for Mosaddegh by the powerful Shia clergy has been regarded as having been motivated by their fear of a communist takeover.

The loss of the political clerics effectively cut Mosaddegh's connections with the lower middle classes and the Iranian masses which are crucial to any popular movement in Iran.

The US role in Mosaddegh's overthrow was not formally acknowledged for many years, [83] although the Eisenhower administration vehemently opposed Mossadegh's policies.

President Eisenhower wrote angrily about Mosaddegh in his memoirs, describing him as impractical and naive. Eventually, the CIA's involvement with the coup was exposed.

This caused controversy within the organization and the CIA congressional hearings of the s. CIA supporters maintained that the coup was strategically necessary, and praised the efficiency of the agents responsible.

Critics say the scheme was paranoid, colonial, illegal, and immoral—and truly caused the "blowback" suggested in the pre-coup analysis.

The extent of this "blowback," over time, was not completely clear to the CIA, as they had an inaccurate picture of the stability of the Shah's regime.

The Iranian Revolution of caught the CIA and the US very much off guard as CIA reporting a mere month earlier predicted no imminent insurrectionary turbulence whatsoever for the Shah's regime , and resulted in the overthrow of the Shah by a fundamentalist faction opposed to the US, headed by Ayatollah Khomeini.

In retrospect, not only did the CIA and the US underestimate the extent of popular discontent for the Shah, but much of that discontent historically stemmed from the removal of Mosaddegh and the subsequent clientelism of the Shah.

In March , Secretary of State Madeleine Albright stated her regret that Mosaddegh was ousted: "The Eisenhower administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons.

But the coup was clearly a setback for Iran's political development and it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America.

Mosaddegh's overthrow had a direct relationship with the creation of an Islamic revolution and the collapse of the Pahlavi government.

America's close relationship with the Shah and the subsequent hostility of the United States to the Islamic Republic and Britain's profitable interventions caused pessimism for Iranians, stirring nationalism and suspicion of foreign interference.

Mohammad Mosaddegh. Zahra Khanum m. Mohammad Mosaddegh's voice. See also: Governments of Mohammad Mosaddegh.

It is not indicated in writing, and is not part of the name itself, but is used when a first and last name are used together. Chehabi Mohammad Mosaddeq ] in Persian.

Tehran: Ney. Robarge 12 April Central Intelligence Agency. The New York Times. Retrieved 3 November London: Guardian Unlimited.

National Security Archive. The National Security Archive. Retrieved 21 August The Guardian. Retrieved 20 August Retrieved 22 August The life and times of the Shah.

University of California Press. Musaddiq as Musaddiqu's-Saltanah. Smithsonian Magazine. Archived from the original on 3 October Retrieved 9 August Archived from the original on 13 April All the Shah's men: an American coup and the roots of Middle East terror.

Hoboken, N. Retrieved 31 July May Retrieved 5 August A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview Press.

University of California Press, Berkeley , p. Fateh, Panjah Sal-e Naft-e Iran , p. Gholamreza Nejati , p. Twenty-year-old history of Iran.

Mehr News Agency. News ID: Retrieved 31 March Middle East Quarterly. Retrieved 21 July — via www. Lay, Jr.

Associated Press. Retrieved 3 January The Fifties. New York: Ballantine Books. All The Shah's Men. New York Times. Retrieved 16 July Mohammad Mosaddeq and the coup in Iran.

Syracuse: Syracuse Univ. Iran at War: — Osprey Publishing. Lawrence and Wishart Ltd. Iran —present ". University of Arkansas Political Science.

Retrieved 5 October Under the Qajar and Pahlavi Monarchies, —79". In Yarshater, Ehsan ed. Retrieved 15 March Labor unions and autocracy in Iran.

Syracuse University Press. Retrieved 19 November Archived from the original on 2 August Mossadegh, and US foreign policy".

Editions Perrin, Berkeley: University of California Press, c New York: Three Rivers Press, Gasiorowski and Malcolm Byrne.

Gasiorowski, Mark J. International Journal of Middle East Studies. Tom Gabbay The Tehran Conviction.

The Single Article Law of March 20, Mohammad-Ali Foroughi. Hassan Esfandiari. In office Unable to assume office in Ahmadabad-e Mosaddeq Castle.

Mirza Hedayatollah. Won but did not take seat [22]. Won [77]. Lost [78]. Wikimedia Commons has media related to Mohammad Mosaddegh. Prime Minister of Iran — Commander-in-Chief of the Iranian Armed Forces — New title Organization founded.

Leader of the National Front —

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In Tehran he founded the literary circle Omid , which took its title from the pseudonym of Mehdi Akhavan-e Saless , the preeminent contemporary poet.

Veering toward the moderate spectrum of Nimaic poetry, his poems are often laden with social and political themes and imagery. The clarity of his syntax and the easily accessible imagery of his poems, which usually sustain a balance between the old and new, have earned him a wide reception and the high praise of many readers, more often than not, from the younger strata of the population.

In Modern Literature. Mosaddeq's work had to wait for the social upheavals that culminated in the revolution to see the light of the day again.

If I rise up, If you rise up, All will rise up. If I sit If you sit Who will then rise up? Who will confront the enemy? In response, Mosaddegh announced his resignation appealing directly to the public for support, pronouncing that "in the present situation, the struggle started by the Iranian people cannot be brought to a victorious conclusion".

On the day of his appointment, he announced his intention to resume negotiations with the British to end the oil dispute, a reversal of Mosaddegh's policy.

The National Front—along with various Nationalist, Islamist, and socialist parties and groups [38] —including Tudeh—responded by calling for protests, assassinations of the Shah and other royalists, strikes and mass demonstrations in favor of Mosaddegh.

Major strikes broke out in all of Iran's major towns, with the Bazaar closing down in Tehran. Over demonstrators in Tehran, Hamadan, Ahvaz, Isfahan, and Kermanshah were killed or suffered serious injuries.

After five days of mass demonstrations on Siyeh-i Tir the 30th of Tir on the Iranian calendar , military commanders ordered their troops back to barracks, fearful of overstraining the enlisted men's loyalty and left Tehran in the hands of the protesters.

More popular than ever, a greatly strengthened Mosaddegh convinced parliament to grant him emergency powers for six months to "decree any law he felt necessary for obtaining not only financial solvency, but also electoral, judicial, and educational reforms".

Kashani's Islamic scholars, as well as the Tudeh Party , proved to be two of Mosaddegh's key political allies, although relations with both were often strained.

With his emergency powers, Mosaddegh tried to limit the monarchy's powers, [42] cutting the Shah's personal budget, forbidding him to communicate directly with foreign diplomats, transferring royal lands back to the state and expelling the Shah's politically active sister Ashraf Pahlavi.

In January , Mosaddegh successfully pressed Parliament to extend his emergency powers for another 12 months. With these powers, he decreed a land reform law that established village councils and increased the peasants' share of production.

Mosaddegh saw these reforms as a means of checking the power of the Tudeh Party , which had been agitating for general land reform among the peasants.

However, during this time Iranians were "becoming poorer and unhappier by the day" thanks to the British boycott.

As Mosaddegh's political coalition began to fray, his enemies increased in number. Partly through the efforts of Iranians sympathizing with the British, and partly in fear of the growing dictatorial powers of the Prime Minister, several former members of Mosaddegh's coalition turned against him, fearing arrest.

They included Mozzafar Baghai , head of the worker-based Toilers party; Hossein Makki , who had helped lead the takeover of the Abadan refinery and was at one point considered Mosaddegh's heir apparent; and most outspokenly Ayatollah Kashani, who damned Mosaddegh with the "vitriol he had once reserved for the British".

Hossein Makki strongly opposed the dissolution of the parliament by Mossadegh and evaluated in the long run at his loss because with the closure of the parliament, the right to dismiss the Prime minister was made by the Shah.

The British government had grown increasingly distressed over Mosaddegh's policies and were especially bitter over the loss of their control of the Iranian oil industry.

Repeated attempts to reach a settlement had failed, and, in October , Mosaddegh declared Britain an enemy and cut all diplomatic relations.

After Britain's Royal Navy converted its ships to use oil as fuel, the corporation was considered vital to British national security and the company's profits partially alleviated Britain's budget deficit.

Unsurprisingly, many Iranians resented the company's privileges and demanded a fair share of its takings. Engulfed in a variety of problems following World War II, Britain was unable to resolve the issue single-handedly and looked towards the United States to settle the matter.

Initially, the USA had opposed British policies. After mediation had failed several times to bring about a settlement, American Secretary of State Dean Acheson concluded that the British were "destructive, and determined on a rule-or-ruin policy in Iran.

The American position shifted in late when Dwight D. Eisenhower was elected U. In November and December, British intelligence officials suggested to American intelligence that the prime minister should be ousted.

British prime minister Winston Churchill suggested to the incoming Eisenhower administration that Mossadegh, despite his open disgust with socialism, was, or would become, dependent on the pro-Soviet Tudeh Party , [49] resulting in Iran "increasingly turning towards communism " and towards the Soviet sphere at a time of high Cold War fears.

In the meantime, the already precarious alliance between Mosaddegh and Kashani was severed in January , when Kashani opposed Mosaddegh's demand that his increased powers be extended for a period of one year.

Finally, to eliminate Mossadegh's threat to disrupt the cheap oil supply to the West and the withdrawal of profitable oil reserves from the hands of Western companies, the US made an attempt to depose him.

Finally, according to The New York Times , in early June, American and British intelligence officials met again, this time in Beirut , and put the finishing touches on the strategy.

President Theodore Roosevelt , arrived in Tehran to direct it. The plot, known as Operation Ajax, centered on convincing Iran's monarch to issue a decree to dismiss Mosaddegh from office, as he had attempted some months earlier.

But the Shah was terrified to attempt such a dangerously unpopular and risky move against Mosaddegh.

It would take much persuasion and many U. Mosaddegh became aware of the plots against him and grew increasingly wary of conspirators acting within his government.

Donald N. Wilber , who was involved in the plot to remove Mossadegh from power, in early August, Iranian CIA operatives pretending to be socialists and nationalists threatened Muslim leaders with "savage punishment if they opposed Mossadegh," thereby giving the impression that Mossadegh was cracking down on dissent earlier than planned, and stirring anti-Mossadegh sentiments within the religious community.

Gasiorowski, "There were separate polling stations for yes and no votes, producing sharp criticism of Mosaddeq" and that the "controversial referendum In August , the Shah finally agreed to Mossadegh's overthrow, after Roosevelt said that the United States would proceed with or without him, [64] and formally dismissed the prime minister in a written decree, an act that had been made part of the constitution during the Constitution Assembly of , convened under martial law, at which time the power of the monarchy was increased in various ways by the Shah himself.

Soon, massive popular protests, aided by Roosevelt's team, took place across the city and elsewhere with tribesmen at the ready to assist the coup.

Anti- and pro-monarchy protesters, both paid by Roosevelt, [64] violently clashed in the streets, looting and burning mosques and newspapers, leaving almost dead.

The pro-monarchy leadership, chosen, hidden and finally unleashed at the right moment by the CIA team, led by retired army General and former Minister of Interior in Mosaddegh's cabinet, Fazlollah Zahedi joined with underground figures such as the Rashidian brothers and local strongman Shaban Jafari , [66] to gain the upper hand on 19 August 28 Mordad.

The military joined on cue: pro-Shah tank regiments stormed the capital and bombarded the prime minister's official residence, on Roosevelt's cue, according to his book.

Mosaddegh managed to flee from the mob that set in to ransack his house, and, the following day, surrendered to General Zahedi, who was meanwhile set up by the CIA with makeshift headquarters at the Officers' Club.

Mosaddegh was arrested at the Officers' Club and transferred to a military jail shortly after. Zahedi's new government soon reached an agreement with foreign oil companies to form a consortium and "restore the flow of Iranian oil to world markets in substantial quantities", giving the United States and Great Britain the lion's share of the restored British holdings.

In return, the US massively funded the Shah's resulting government, until the Shah's overthrow in As soon as the coup succeeded, many of Mosaddegh's former associates and supporters were tried, imprisoned, and tortured.

Some were sentenced to death and executed. The order was carried out by firing squad on 10 November On 21 December , Mossadegh was sentenced to three years' solitary confinement in a military prison, well short of the death sentence requested by prosecutors.

After hearing the sentence, Mossadegh was reported to have said with a calm voice of sarcasm: "The verdict of this court has increased my historical glories.

I am extremely grateful you convicted me. Truly tonight the Iranian nation understood the meaning of constitutionalism. Mossadegh was kept under house arrest at his Ahmadabad residence, until his death on 5 March He was denied a funeral and was buried in his living room, despite his request to be buried in the public graveyard, beside the victims of the political violence on 30 Tir 21 July The secret U.

The withdrawal of support for Mosaddegh by the powerful Shia clergy has been regarded as having been motivated by their fear of a communist takeover.

The loss of the political clerics effectively cut Mosaddegh's connections with the lower middle classes and the Iranian masses which are crucial to any popular movement in Iran.

The US role in Mosaddegh's overthrow was not formally acknowledged for many years, [83] although the Eisenhower administration vehemently opposed Mossadegh's policies.

President Eisenhower wrote angrily about Mosaddegh in his memoirs, describing him as impractical and naive. Eventually, the CIA's involvement with the coup was exposed.

This caused controversy within the organization and the CIA congressional hearings of the s. CIA supporters maintained that the coup was strategically necessary, and praised the efficiency of the agents responsible.

Critics say the scheme was paranoid, colonial, illegal, and immoral—and truly caused the "blowback" suggested in the pre-coup analysis.

The extent of this "blowback," over time, was not completely clear to the CIA, as they had an inaccurate picture of the stability of the Shah's regime.

The Iranian Revolution of caught the CIA and the US very much off guard as CIA reporting a mere month earlier predicted no imminent insurrectionary turbulence whatsoever for the Shah's regime , and resulted in the overthrow of the Shah by a fundamentalist faction opposed to the US, headed by Ayatollah Khomeini.

In retrospect, not only did the CIA and the US underestimate the extent of popular discontent for the Shah, but much of that discontent historically stemmed from the removal of Mosaddegh and the subsequent clientelism of the Shah.

In March , Secretary of State Madeleine Albright stated her regret that Mosaddegh was ousted: "The Eisenhower administration believed its actions were justified for strategic reasons.

But the coup was clearly a setback for Iran's political development and it is easy to see now why many Iranians continue to resent this intervention by America.

Mosaddegh's overthrow had a direct relationship with the creation of an Islamic revolution and the collapse of the Pahlavi government. America's close relationship with the Shah and the subsequent hostility of the United States to the Islamic Republic and Britain's profitable interventions caused pessimism for Iranians, stirring nationalism and suspicion of foreign interference.

Mohammad Mosaddegh. Zahra Khanum m. Mohammad Mosaddegh's voice. See also: Governments of Mohammad Mosaddegh. It is not indicated in writing, and is not part of the name itself, but is used when a first and last name are used together.

Chehabi Mohammad Mosaddeq ] in Persian. Tehran: Ney. Robarge 12 April Central Intelligence Agency.

The New York Times. Retrieved 3 November London: Guardian Unlimited. National Security Archive. The National Security Archive.

Retrieved 21 August The Guardian. Retrieved 20 August Retrieved 22 August The life and times of the Shah. University of California Press.

Musaddiq as Musaddiqu's-Saltanah. Smithsonian Magazine. Archived from the original on 3 October Retrieved 9 August Archived from the original on 13 April All the Shah's men: an American coup and the roots of Middle East terror.

Hoboken, N. Retrieved 31 July May Retrieved 5 August A History of the Modern Middle East. Boulder, CO: Westview Press. University of California Press, Berkeley , p.

Fateh, Panjah Sal-e Naft-e Iran , p.

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